S13 BUDDHIST ART OF INDIA AND SOUTHEAST ASIA



 
18 June 2019, Ballroom 1, 0830-1500 hours

Convener:Asst. Prof. Chedha Tingsanchali
chedha_t@hotmail.com

This panel proposes to deliberate upon the growing significance of Buddhist art and archaeology in Southeast Asia while focusing on its relation with Buddhist art in India. The context, thus created for the panel lies within new approaches and understanding of trans-cultural interactions between the two Buddhist realms. The ancient Buddhist cultures across Asia were intimately connected, not only by trade networks, but also through religious, intellectual and artistic linkages. The panel seeks to present ongoing research on the Theravada, Mahayana as well as Tantric Buddhist icons and iconography in Southeast Asia with the special focus on the influence of Indian art.



Block 1: 0830-1000 hrs

Hariti in Indian and Southeast Asian Buddhist Arts

Adieyatna Fajri
Department of Archaeology, Universitas Gadjah Mada
adieyatna.fajri@ugm.ac.id

Portrait-like representations of Hariti in sculpture were produced in many areas and periods, reflecting various concepts of the deity. In general, Hariti is typically sculpted as a female figure surrounded by several children. The present essay studies the various representations of Hariti in India and Southeast Asia and tries to find out how the texts and legends of Hariti were interpreted by local artist to create a distinctive representation of this goddess.




Retracing the Semiotics of the Lokeśvara cult in Indian, Southeast Asian, and Tibetan Art

Sama Haq
Guest Lecturer, Department of Art History and Art Appreciation,
Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India;
Ph.D. Research Scholar, Department of History of Art,
National Museum Institute, New Delhi, India
samahaq@gmail.com

This paper seeks to locate the three representational forms of Lokeśvara within the semiotic functioning of his icons and iconology. These are, Radiating Lokeśvara, Amoghapāśa Lokeśvara, and Rakta/ Red Lokeśvara. In Mahāyāna Buddhism, Lokeśvara is the visual embodiment of upāya or the wisdom principle. In this regard, Lokeśvara is also bestowed with the honorifics of the māhāsattva or the great essence, and lokeśvarārāja or the protector of the world, wherein he derives his cosmological strength from multiple divine sources such as the Goddess Cunḍā, Amitābha Buddha, and Lokeśvararāja Tathāgata himself. The paper aims to deliberate upon two mantrayāna Buddhist texts called the Kāraṇḍavyūhasūtra Sūtra, and Ārya Amoghapāśa Hṛdya Sūtra while constructing the religio-philosophical, socio-historical, and trans-cultural aspects of Lokeśvara’s cult in the Indian, Khmer, and Javanese art from 8th to 13th centuries CE. Besides this, the paper also seeks to expand the visual field by taking examples from a Tibetan Buddhist thangka from the National Museum, India to continue the esoteric Buddhist dialogue within the exemplars of Indian, Southeast Asian, and Tibetan art.




The Cult of Prajnaparamita across India and Mainland Southeast Asia

Abira Bhattacharya
Assistant Curator (Department of Anthropology),
National Museum, Janpath, New Delhi-110011, India;
PhD Research Scholar Department of History of Art National Museum Institute (NMI), Janpath, New Delhi-110011, India
abiradca@gmail.com

The paper aims to focus on the development of the Prajnaparamita discourse by taking different visual forms of the goddess Prajnaparamita that developed in India and transmitted to Southeast Asia during early medieval period. These images conveyed a didactic statement related to the soteriological concept of transcendental wisdom and lauded the significance of the female principle in the Buddhist fold. In the Southeast Asian Mainland, especially in Thailand and Cambodia, only the cult of Prajnaparamita attained utmost importance amongst all other female divinities of the Buddhist pantheon, evident from her widespread iconographic representations and references found in the epigraphic and textual remnants, epitomizing her celebrated rank in the socio-political and religious domains. Particularly, the multi-armed and multi-headed forms of the goddess, her spiritual affiliation with the Avalokitesvara cult and her association the ideology of divine kingship made the Mainland Southeast Asian Prajnaparamita imageries unique and distinguishable from the Indian counterparts. However, it is observed that the contemporaneous Buddhist centers of Malay Archipelago yielded diverse forms of female devotional imageries as well, such as Tara, Chunda, Hariti etc., including Prajnaparamita. Based on this allusion, the paper attempts to explore the socio-political and cultural factors responsible for such cultic development in this specific region, while tracing the impact of India art, through a systematic study of epigraphic and archaeological sources which played a vital role in the unearthing of Southeast Asian art. The archaeological viewpoints in conjunction with art historical interpretations will throw light on the cross-cultural dialogue that existed between the arts of India and Southeast Asian Mainland, emphasizing the diffusion of the Prajnaparamita cult not only through regional borders but also the boundaries of form and genre. This concept would be also presented in this discussion through a comparative study of imageries of these two distinct cultural realms.




Cakrasaṃvara or Trailokyavijaya?: Ascertaining the Identity of a Tantric Deity at Phimai through Sanskrit Manuscripts

Saran Suebsantiwongse
Cambridge University
ss2380@cam.ac.uk

The lintel situated above the eastern portal of the garbhagṛha at Phimai depicts a three-headed deity with eight arms while dancing on an elephant head. Owing to the fact that Phimai is confirmed to be a temple for esoteric Buddhist practices according to the inscriptions attributed to various kings of the Khmer Empire, the deity in question is, therefore, unquestionably belong in the pantheon of Tantric Buddhist deities. While most agree that the deity is tantric, some scholars in the past, nevertheless, have mixed opinions in pinpointing the identity of the deity, which has been thought of as either Cakrasaṃvara or Trailokyavijaya.

Hence the primary objective of this paper is to verify the identity of this deity through the studies of Sanskrit manuscripts, particularly the Sarvatathāgatatattvasaṃgraha, Sādhanamālā and Sarvavajrodaya, which are some of the most authoritative texts on esoteric Buddhist deities of the Mahāyāna tradition. The results demonstrate that tantric Buddhism had once flourished in Thailand and that Sanskrit texts on tantric iconography may have been used in the creation of tantric iconographies at Phimai as well as in other esoteric Buddhist temples in the Khmer Empire at large.




Block 2: 1030-1200 hrs

Statue Of Buddha In India And In O C Eo Culture | Tượng Phật Ở Ấn Độ Và Trong Văn Hóa Óc Eo

Assoc. Prof. Dang Van Thang
University of Social Sciences and Humanities
Vietnam National University Ho Chi Minh City
dangvanthang@hcmussh.edu.vn

In India Buddha statue has 4 styles including: Gandhara style, Mathura style, Amaravati style and Gupta style. When Buddhism was introduced into Oc Eo culture, in addition to the Buddha statues of Indian culture, Oc Eo residents also created new elements.
1. Buddha statue in India
1.1. Gandhara style Buddha statue
1.2. Mathura style Buddha statue
1.3. Amaravati style Buddha statue
1.4. Gupta style Buddha statue
2. Buddha statue in Oc Eo culture
2.1. Gandhara style Buddha statue
2.2. Mathura style Buddha statue
2.3. Amaravati style Buddha statue
2.4. Gupta style Buddha statue
Conclude
- Buddha statues in India have 4 styles
- Buddha statue in Oc Eo culture also has 4 styles
- Comparative research

Ở Ấn Độ tượng Phật có 4 phong cách gồm: phong cách Gandhara, phong cách Mathura, phong cách Amaravati và phong cách Gupta. Khi Phật giáo du nhập vào văn hóa Óc Eo, ngoài yếu tố tượng Phật của văn hóa Ấn Độ cư dân Óc Eo còn sáng tạo thêm yếu tố mới.
1. Tượng Phật ở Ấn Độ
1.1. Tượng Phật phong cách Gandhara
1.2. Tượng Phật phong cách Mathura
1.3. Tượng Phật phong cách Amaravati
1.4. Tượng Phật phong cách Guptta
2. Tượng Phật trong văn hóa Óc Eo
2.1. Tượng Phật phong cách Gandhara
2.2. Tượng Phật phong cách Mathura
2.3. Tượng Phật phong cách Amaravati
2.4. Tượng Phật phong cách Guptta
Kết luận
- Tượng Phật ở Ấn Độ có 4 phong cách
- Tượng Phật trong văn hóa Óc Eo cũng có 4 phong cách
- Nghiên cứu so sánh





Buddhist leaf-shaped motifs on Architectural Materials from the 11th to the 15th Centuries in Northern Vietnam

Ngo Thi Lan
Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences, Institute of Archaeology
ngolankch@gmail.com

This paper introduces Buddhist leaf-shaped motifs, contents and their relation with Buddhism. This decorative motif has been widely decorated in the Vietnamese art, particularly original various forms on the architectural materials from the 11th to early 15th century in the Northern Vietnam. Evidence archaeological has shown that there are more than 40 sites already discovered this shaped. This motif is decorated on architectural materials in the types of buildings such as palaces, pagodas, towers, temples, altars and tombs. They are related to the high class, religious architecture and Buddhism. The result showed Buddhism spirituality in Vietnamese society from the 11th to early 15th century. Comparative study also has mentioned to Buddhist leaf-shaped motifs originating from Indian art, spreading to Southeast Asian but it still demonstrates the obvious characteristics of local Buddhist art.




Buddha Statue in But Thap pagoda - a unique Buddhist art work in Vietnam

MA.Than Thi Hang
thanhangvkc86@gmail.com

But Thap Pagoda (Ninh Phuc Tu 寧福 寺) is located on the right bank of Đuống River, But Thap Hamlet, Dinh To Commune, Thuan Thanh District, Bac Ninh Province. In the pagoda, there is the largest wooden statue of Bodhisattva Quan m in Vietnam. The pagoda is ranked a special national monument of Vietnam.

The Quan m statue with a thousand eyes and a thousand handsis sculped by the artisan named Truong in 1656 . The statue is 3.7 m high, 2.1 m wide, 1.15 m thick. The furthest arm is 200 cm in length. The statue has 11 heads, 42 big hands and 952 different long and short arms. This statue is 235 cm high (from lotus throne up to top). Dragon head with 30 cm high lotus throne, statute pedestal is 54 cm high. This is considered a unique masterpiece of Buddha statues and statuary art - the art which highlights the Buddhist philosophy in the concise shaping language. The Buddha sits on the pink lotus throne through a square pedestal with ancient carvings of a religious, relaxed, generous eyes like covering the whole universe.

This statue shows both the whole world of human beings and the Buddhist philosophy . It seems that ""thousands of eyes and thousands of hands"" express the heart of Buddha: Buddha can go around the world to see and help all sentient beings. This is a unique sculpture, containing the essence of Buddhist art.




Changing Concepts of Buddhist Stupa architecture with special reference to recent excavations in east India

Ishani Sinha
Student of M.Phil (Archaeology),
Deccan College Post Graduate and Research Institute,
Deccan College Road, Line Bazar, Yerwada, Pune, Maharashtra-411006, India
sinhaishani3@gmail.com

As the most sacred structural manifestation in Buddhism, stupas consistently received attention of the faithfuls for its gradual development and ornamentation. Beginning as a low earthen tumulus, it ultimately got expression as magnificent edifice of solid brickwork. The structural pattern more or less shows uniformity throughout the Buddhist world in central and south east Asia with regional variations, of course. But two recent excavations in eastern India have revealed a paradigm shift in the conceptual framework of stupa architecture. At Kesariya, a multi-terraced brick stupa has been exposed with a large number of cells, each enshrining graceful stucco image of Buddha, spread over different terraces providing ample indication that these cells were meant for worship. Undoubtedly it is a new dimension of stupa architecture and a value addition to the sanctity of stupa invoking a new approach of worshipto the stupa. This feature, hitherto unknown in south Asian archaeology, is a significant qualitative change in Buddhist architecture. Another stupa complex exposed over Giriyek hills has revealed a separate platform-like brick structure closely placed on one side of the stupa, both structures surrounded within a common enclosure wall. This separate structure has a cavity on top yielding some antiquities of Buddhist affinity. Function or purpose of the platform is open to debate but certainly such structural arrangement is usually not noticed elsewhere. The proposed presentation will discuss the structural details of newly excavated stupas, significance of the components and the contribution of these discoveries in the emerging concept of stupa architecture.

Key Words – Brick Stupa, Cell Shrine, Kesariya, Separate Platform, Giriyek hill.




Stupa in Brunei: Evidence links with India

Hanapi Haji Maidin
hann208@hotmail.com,hanapimaidin@yahoo.com

At Dagang Muslim cemetery site in Bandar Seri Begawan, the capital of Brunei, a weird stone structure was discovered in 1982. Its shape is different with the tombstones abundance found at the cemetery site. The research has been carried out by Brunei Museum Department was proved that the stone structure is a Stupa, a scared symbol of Buddhism. The Stupa is made from sandstone with 118 cm in height and 27 cm wide and divided into five parts. So far, the Stupa is the only evidence of Buddhism ever found in Brunei. The discovery of this Stupa in Brunei has shown that Buddhism was once practiced in this country before the coming of Islam in the 14 th Century. The building of Stupa can be traced back more than 3,000 years ago or before the birth of Buddha around 546 – 324 BC. In order to know what Stupa in Buddhism is, this paper will talk about the history of rebirth of Buddhism and the spreading of Buddhism outside India. This is followed by the origin and the history of Stupa and its function in Buddhism. The final chapter is the conclusion to discuss and analysis of Brunei Stupa and its dating by comparing its similarity with stupas found in Indonesia, Vietnam and Thailand; who brought Buddhist religion in Brunei; how big the influence of the religion in this country; and also, the decline of Buddhism in Central Asia as well as Southeast Asian archipelago including Brunei.




Block 3: 1330-1500 hrs

Historical Buddhist Use of Caves in Southern Lao PDR: Local Context and Regional Trends in Buddhist Use of Caves in Mainland Southeast Asia

Nicholas Roberts
James Cook University, Australia
nicholas.roberts@jcu.edu.au

This paper will present on the historical Buddhist use of caves in Southern Lao PDR. Findings presented in this paper are derived from PhD research that examined the human use and value of caves in the Vilabouly District, Savannakhet Province. Across Asia caves and rock shelters have been used and modified by Buddhist society for a range of religious and ritual practices. Buddhist religious use of caves is considered to have originated in Western India from around 100 BC, with the practice eventually extending along the old Silk Road, and throughout Mainland and Peninsular Southeast Asia, as far as Malaysia. The practice is recognised to have flourished in Thailand, but in the Lao PDR the Buddhist use of ‘sacred caves’ is less well known with research largely confined to the Pac Ou Caves, known to be incorporated within broader religious, artistic, and socio-political processes of the ancient royal capital of Luang Phrabang. Research findings from the Vilabouly District indicate that a local practice of Buddhism and Buddhist cave use operated there, presumably associated with a local principality of the Lang Xang Kingdom between the 16th and 19th centuries. Local Buddhist cave use, art, and material culture is considered indicative of a regional spread of Buddhist culture, based on their structural and symbolic similarity to other Theravada Buddhist ‘scared caves’ and cave use in Thailand and the Lao PDR. Research findings therefore highlight the geographical range of Buddhist cave use within Southeast Asia, and illustrate the important interplay between cosmology, religious and ritual practices, and ecology in historical Southeast Asian Buddhist culture. Additional research in the Lao PDR will support increased understandings of historical Buddhist culture and society in the region; its geographical extent; and the ways Buddhist culture interacted with, or was perhaps influential in transforming, local society, religion, and ecology.




A Difference in Unity: Two Types Ornamentations on Perwara Temple in Sewu Temple Compounds

Ashar Murdihastomo
The Archaeology Research Centre of Indonesia
murdihastomo@gmail.com

Many scholars on ancient art history have been attracted to make researches about the Sewu Temple Compounds. The researches contain many topics, such as architecture, art, sculpture, religious, and ancient history. The result from those researches gave a lot of information about Sewu Temple Compounds, like, the core of the temple is a square red brick structure and the indication that Sewu Temple architecture has been modified to change their concept from Dharmadhatu Vagisvara Mandala to Vajradhatu Mandala.

Another topic that have not been discussed by the researchers is about the exterior ornamentation from perwara temple. Perwara temple in Sewu Temple Compounds can be classified into two types, A and B. Type A can be seen in perwara temple line 1 and 4, while type B in perwara temple line 2 and 3. The difference from those types are based on four parts, decoration on the dome, shape of penampil/antarala roof (roof reviewer), wall decoration on top of prominent figure, and escorts figure sculptures. Generally, perwara temple type A have four kebens ornament on the dome, “chair slope” roof for penampil/antarala, kala/kirttimukha ornament on wall decoration, and female escort figure. Perwara temple type B have 16 small stupas ornament in the dome, “military moustache” roof for penampil/antarala, makara ornament on wall decoration, and male escort figure.

Based on the the result, three of four parts of exterior ornamentation from perwara temple have connections with each other, such as keben with stupa, kala with makara, and female escort with male escort. The tentative conclusion from this research is that perwara temple type A and type B are two separate building but they are being bound by one unity.

Kompleks Candi Sewu telah lama menjadi salah satu objek penelitian yang menarik perhatian para peneliti sejarah seni kuno. Penelitian tersebut meliputi berbagai topik, seperti arsitektur, seni, relief, keagamaan, dan sejarah kuno. Hasil penelitian memberikan banyak informasi tentang Kompleks Candi Sewu, seperti, inti bangunan candi yang berbentuk struktur bata merah dan adanya modifikasi bangunan yang menunjukkan adanya perubahan konsep aliran dari semula Dharmadhatu Vagisvara Mandala ke Vajradhatu Mandala.

Keunikan lainnya yang belum sempat dibahas detail oleh para peneliti adalah terkait dua tipe ornamentasi eksterior bangunan candi perwara. Berdasarkan pada pengamatan di lapangan diperoleh data bahwa candi perwara di kompleks Candi Sewu dapat dibedakan menjadi dua tipe, yaitu tipe A dan tipe B. Tipe A dapat dilihat pada candi perwara deret 1 dan 4, sementara tipe B pada candi perwara deret 2 dan 3. Perbedaan tersebut didasarkan pada empat bagian, antara lain hiasan kemuncak, bentuk atap penampil/antarala, hiasan dinding di atas relief tokoh utama, dan figure relief tokoh pengiring. Secara umum, candi perwara tipe A memiliki hiasan kemuncak yang berupa keben berjumlah empat buah, bentuk atap penampil/antarala berupa lereng bangku, hiasan dinding di atas relief tokoh utama berupa kala, dan figure relief tokoh pengiring berjenis perempuan. Candi perwara tipe B memiliki hiasan kemuncak stupa kecil berjumlah 16 buah, bentuk atap penampil/antarala berupa kumis militer, hiasan dinding di atas relief tokoh utama berupa makara, dan figure relief tokoh pengiring berjenis laki-laki. Berdasarkan pada hasil kajian, diketahui bahwa tiga diantara hiasan eksterior candi perwara tersebut memiliki keterkaitan satu sama lain. Hiasan keben memiliki keterkaitan dengan hiasan stupa, hiasan kala memiliki keterkaitan dengan hiasan makara, dan figure perempuan memiliki keterkaitan dengan figure laki-laki. Sehingga, kesimpulan sementara antara candi perwara tipe A dan B merupakan dua bangunan terpisah namun memiliki satu keterikatan yang tidak dapat dipisahkan.





Leaves of the Bodhi Tree from East to West: The Symbol of the Sacred Fig Tree in Ancient India, Southeast Asia and Contemporary Contexts

Amanda Spradling
Northern Illinois University
aspradling1@niu.edu

The Bodhi Tree is a common Buddhist symbol. Bodhi tree simply means enlightenment tree, and all buddhas are associated with a particular species of tree that each sat beneath in meditation, until reaching enlightenment. In the case of Buddha Shakyamuni that species of tree is the ficus religiosa, or sacred fig tree. Though the sacred fig tree, as a native tree to India, has historically held significance, today it is mainly known for its association with the Buddha, particularly with what is considered his single most important life event, his enlightenment.

Tree worship and its universal practice is well understood and many studies of the Bodhi Tree explore its associated pilgrimage site, Bodh Gaya, and monument, the Mahabodhi Temple, as well as its genealogy and role in the marking of sacred space. However, despite the fact that the symbol of the Bodhi Tree is ubiquitous, its depiction is not the focus of any previous study. The sacred fig tree has been part of India’s material and visual culture since before the advent of Buddhism and has even spread to contemporary culture, for example its appearance in several American business logos, as well as its current use in the branding of natural and traditional products in Thailand.

In my paper, I will examine the depiction of the sacred fig tree from its beginnings in India, through its application in Indian and Southeast Asian Buddhist art and finally its contemporary uses in the United States and Thailand. In studying the appearance, use and meaning of this symbol from ancient to contemporary times and Buddhist to non-Buddhists contexts, I hope to develop its meaning beyond the Buddha’s enlightenment and add to the history and myth of one of the world’s many sacred trees.




Biaro-biaro in Padang Lawas: The Buddhist Temple Without Buddhist Statue

Sukawati Susetyo
Kementerian Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan
watisusetyo@ymail.com

Padang Lawas is a heritage site that has at least 25 temples (biaro). These sites are in the area of North Padang Lawas Regency and Padang Lawas Regency, North Sumatra Province. The location of the biaro-biaro is on the banks of Barumun River, Pane and Sirumambe namely Biaro Si Pamutung, Aek Tunjang, Tandihat 3, Tandihat 2, Tandihat 1, Aek Linta, Si Sangkilon, Porlak Dolok, Bira Pageran, Pulo, Bahal 1, Bahal 2, bahal 3, Bara, Tanjung Bangun, Haloban, Rondaman, Sitopayan, Gunung Tua, Mangaledang, Nagasaribu, Batugana, Padang Bujur, Aek Korsik, Batugana, Sisoldop. The religious background of Padang Lawas biaros is the Vajrayana Buddhist. Very interesting is that none of the large Buddha statues found in the biaros. This research uses descriptive explanatory method, which is describing archeology related to this research, both those that are insitu and those that have been moved. To get answers, an analysis of the architecture of biaro, iconography of statues and reliefs, and inscriptions was carried out.




The Expression of Art in the Types of Buddha Images during an Era of Transition from Traditional State to Modern State: a Case Study of Myanmar and Thailand | การแสดงออกทางศิลปกรรมประเภทพระพุทธรูป ยุครอยต่อสมัยรัฐจารีตและรัฐสมัยใหม่ กรณีพม่าและไทย

Mr. Sura Piriyasanguanpong
Department of Art History, Graduate School, Silpakorn University (Ph.D. student)
surapiriya@hotmail.com

The aim of this article is to use the methods of study relating to art history in explaining the expression of art in the types of Buddha images in 19th Century, a case study on Myanmar and Thailand, which is the development during an Era of Transition from Traditional State to Modern State.

As for the case of Myanmar in the era of Mandalay, it is discovered that the Buddha images in this era were more realistic, natural and human-like, which might have been the result of humanism and realism. In addition, it is apparent that the Buddha images in sitting attitudes and standing attitudes still mostly showed the gestures from traditional state era. On the contrary, Buddha images in sleeping attitudes had been developed to the highest level in expressing the natural gestures of human beings.

Buddha images in Mandalay art also had obvious industrial traits, which reflected the manufacturing needs to distribute the products in larger market, not just for local uses like in the era of traditional state.

As for the case of Thai Buddha images, even though many Buddha images in various humanlike attitudes had been created since the reign of King Rama III, the Buddha images that were built according to the modern interpretation of the perspectives of humanism and realism along with the knowledge of human anatomy and details from Tripitaka were created under the orders of King Rama IV.

Later, in the reign of King Rama V, the knowledge of archaeology from western world was also taken into account for the interpretation.

In the reign of King Rama VI, in which Thailand had been fully modernized, people of the leading classes might have deemed that the original religion belief of Eastern world could coexist peacefully with modern civilization. As a result, Buddhist art works in the style of traditional state era had become popular again, and there is no other significant dynamics in the interpretation of Buddhist art.

บทความนี้มุ่งใช้แนวทางการศึกษาทางด้านประวัติศาสตร์ศิลปะ เพื่ออธิบายถึง การแสดงออกทางศิลปกรรมประเภทพระพุทธรูปในช่วงคริสต์ศตวรรษที่ 19 กรณีพม่าและไทย ซึ่งเป็นพัฒนาการระหว่างยุครอยต่อของรัฐในสมัยจารีตกับรัฐสมัยใหม่

กรณีพม่าในสมัยมัณฑเล พบว่าการสร้างพระพุทธรูปที่ดูมีความเป็นมนุษย์ที่สมจริงตามธรรมชาติมากขึ้น อาจเป็นผลของมุมมองแบบมนุษยนิยม และสัจนิยม นอกจากนี้ยังเห็นได้ว่าพระนั่งและพระยืนนั้นยังอยู่ในท่าทางที่สืบเนื่องจากยุคจารีตอยู่มาก ต่างจากพระนอนที่เป็นพัฒนาการสูงสุดในการถ่ายทอดอิริยาบทตามธรรมชาติของมนุษย์

การสร้างพระพุทธรูปในศิลปะมัณฑเล ยังมีลักษณะความเป็นอุตสาหกรรมที่ชัดเจนมาก ซึ่งแสดงถึงการผลิตเพื่อการจัดส่งไปยังตลาดที่กว้างใหญ่ มิใช่เน้นผลิตเพื่อใช้งานในท้องถิ่นดังสมัยจารีต

ส่วนกรณีพระพุทธรูปไทยแม้จะมีการสร้างพระที่อิริยาบถอย่างมนุษย์ขึ้นหลายปางในสมัยรัชกาลที่ 3 แล้ว แต่พระพุทธรูปที่สร้างขึ้นโดยตีความด้วยมุมมองมนุษยนิยมและสัจนิยมตามกระแสยุคสมัยใหม่(modernization)นั้นคือพระพุทธรูปที่พระเจ้าอยู่หัว รัชกาลที่ 4 ทรงให้สร้างขึ้นโดยอ้างอิงกายภาพของมนุษย์ผสมกับข้อมูลจากพระไตรปิฎก

ต่อมาสมัยรัชกาลที่ 5 มีการตีความใหม่อาศัยความรู้ทางโบราณคดีจากโลกตะวันตกจนสมัย รัชกาลที่ 6 ซึ่งเข้าสู่ยุคสมัยใหม่เต็มตัวแล้ว และชนชั้นนำสยามคงเห็นว่า ศาสนาดั้งเดิมของโลกตะวันออกสามารถดำรงอยู่คู่กับความศิวิไลซ์แบบใหม่ได้ พุทธศิลป์แบบยุคจารีตจึงกลับมาเป็นที่นิยม และไม่มีพลวัตสำคัญๆในการตีความพุทธศิลป์อีก